The Wretched of the Earth
Reviewed by: Liaqat Baloch
The book "The Wretched of
the Earth" was written by the famous political philosopher and
writer Frantz Fanon in 1961. This book consists of five chapters.
Concerning
Violence
Chapter One concerns violence and its key role in the
process of decolonization. Fanon discusses that the national struggle, national
liberation, or decolonization is always a violent phenomenon. Decolonization is
the meeting of two forces: the colonized and the colonizer. Violence
characterizes colonialism, and it is brought into the homes and minds of the
colonized by the colonizer.
The colonial world is a Manichaean world divided into two
compartments: the part inhabited by the colonizers, with high values and moral
standards, living in well-built towns, and the world of the colonized,
perceived as having no values or civilization, living in poorly built towns.
These two groups, the colonizers and the colonized, are fundamentally different
from each other and live in distinct compartments of the colonial world.
Fanon argues, in the first place, that colonialism
dehumanizes the colonized people, turning them into a subhuman species, and
then uses physical violence to suppress these dehumanized individuals. The
colonizer paints the colonized as an evil species with no sense of ethics. They
rewrite the history of the colonized, portraying them as uncivilized people, and
positioning themselves as saviors. Fanon asserts that colonizers shape the
mental image of the native in such a way that the native becomes envious of the
settler's world, even as this world rejects the native.
Decolonization is the process of humanizing this species and
replacing them with new individuals who have a new language and culture. This
transformation can only occur through violence, as the colonized shift from
being silent spectators to becoming the main actors in their struggle. During
decolonization, individualism disappears, and the colonized people begin to
participate in collective struggle. The native is an oppressed individual whose
permanent dream is to replace the settler, often referred to as the colonizer.
The use of violence is the process that unifies the
colonized people against colonization. During decolonization, the native recognizes
their value and worth, prioritizing their land, and providing sustenance,
shelter, and dignity. Violence takes the form of open and armed struggle. The
native works for the downfall of the settler because life can only spring from
the rotting corpse of the settler. Superstitions, myths, and despair begin to
fade away from the colonized as they engage in violent actions against the
colonizer. They discover that colonialism itself is an unjust phenomenon, so
they do not seek justice within the colonial framework.
Armed struggle propels the colonized people on a one-way
journey, channeling their energy into the process of decolonization. Violence
against the colonial regime imbues their characters with positive and creative
qualities. Violence becomes their absolute course of action, and they no longer
expect anything from the other side.
During decolonization, there are two phases of insurrection.
The first phase is characterized by violence by the settlers against the
natives and their home governments simultaneously. The second phase focuses on
building the natives or colonized into a nation, a process cemented by violence
mixed with blood and anger. Violence eradicates regionalism and tribalism,
which were propagated among the colonized by the colonizer, transforming it
into a national struggle against the colonial government.
If we look at violence at the individual level, it restores
self-respect and frees the native from an inferiority complex. The violence of
the colonial regime and the counter-violence of the natives balance each other
and respond to each other in an extraordinary reciprocal homogeneity.
In Algeria, a "Civil Militia" was established by
Lacoste, who famously said, "There will be no bloodshed if there remains
no blood to shed," aiming to suppress the violent armed struggle of the
Algerians. Every Frenchman was allowed to pursue the suspects and kill them.
They were permitted to use their weapons. Assassinations and brutality became
common, nurturing the national consciousness of the Algerians under this
environment.
Fanon describes the native intellectual as an emancipated
slave, a class of natives who initially sought more posts and opposes violence,
accepting the ideas of colonialism and defending their positions. However, when
they interact with ordinary natives, their idealistic values become irrelevant,
and they join the movement. Due to their lack of foresight, they may become
disillusioned over minor local issues and withdraw.
Fanon also discusses that the self-serving national parties
with ambiguous manifestos demanding "give us more power" are violent
in their words but reformist in their attitudes. In the end, Fanon argues that
the flight of capital and the withdrawal of infrastructure from colonized
countries, with the colonizers saying, "You wanted independence, so take
it and go back to the Middle Ages," during decolonization, are constant
phenomena, despite these colonies being sources of wealth production and
development for centuries. Fanon advises the Europeans, the colonizers, that
they should awaken from their slumber, use their intellect, and provide aid to
the newly liberated nations instead of economically paralyzing them.
Spontaneity:
Its Strength and Weakness
“In the second
chapter, Fanon delves into the evolution of the struggle and draws a comparison
between the competing strategies of decolonization, which he labels as
"Spontaneity" and "Organization." Within colonized
countries, there exists a time lag between the urbanized population, including
the leaders of national parties, and the rural masses consisting of the
peasants. This temporal gap implies that the rural masses are unequivocally
anti-colonial and are more fervently engaged in the revolutionary cause than
their urban counterparts. Despite living a life fraught with misery due to the
oppression of the colonial government, the rural population clings steadfastly
to the traditions and cultural heritage passed down by their ancestors.
Conversely, urbanized individuals, while enjoying the
privileges bestowed upon them by the colonial regime, do not uphold their cultural
identity and traditions. The educational system shaped by the colonizers has
steered them away from their indigenous heritage and historical roots. Native
intellectuals in urban areas who recognize the reality of the colonial world establish
political parties and assert their rights. When faced with suppression, they
often seek refuge in rural regions, where they come into contact with peasants
who hold strong anti-colonial sentiments and maintain their traditional values
and rituals. These intellectuals and peasants unite, marking the inception of a
spontaneous uprising in decolonization, a force potent enough to challenge the
existing government.
Regrettably, this spontaneous revolution, which began only
recently, is ultimately suppressed. This happens because the leadership of
these revolutionary movements often comprises urbanized individuals who lean
towards reformism, often being referred to as the liberal class. They ended up
signing peace treaties with the colonizers. Another factor contributing to
suppression lies in the inadequate political education of the people participating
in the spontaneous revolution. They are ill-prepared to withstand the minor
oppression imposed by the colonizer and are susceptible to withdrawing from the
struggle. In the colonial context, relying solely on hatred proves inadequate.
Fanon argues that, for a protracted and fruitful struggle,
the formation of organizations is imperative. These organizations can mobilize
the masses through systematic strategies, raise awareness about their current
circumstances, and provide the necessary political education to ensure that
those engaged in decolonization remain resolute and steadfast.
The
Pitfalls of National Consciousness
In the third chapter, fanon discusses the trials and tribulations
that occur during the development of national consciousness. He argues that
decolonization can turn into neo-colonialism. To authenticate his statement, he
gives an example of the president of Gabon saying "Between Gabon and
France nothing has changed; everything goes on as before. “According to Fanon,
After the decolonization a class called " National bourgeoise" dominated
the government but due to their incapability and mismanagement couldn’t sustain
their role. These devastating conditions result in a new form of colonialism.
The people get exploited in many ways. These bourgeoises favor their own
regions which develop into inter-regional conflicts. They install favorable
projects for their tribes and families which give rise to inter-tribal
rivalries. They also support just the development of urban areas thus
marginalizing the rural areas making the people of these areas deprived of their
basic rights. This whole scenario creates an ambiguous situation and
Nationalism which once was a name of unity gets converted into bigotry and
chauvinism. In order to prevent this situation fanon argues there must be a
true national party which will be the direct expression of the masses of the
whole country and it must overthrow the government run by the national bourgeoisie
and make a new government truly based on national interests.
On
National Culture
Fanon originally delivered this fourth chapter as a speech
during the Second Congress of Black Artists and Writers held in Rome in 1959.
He stated, "Each generation, while shrouded in relative
obscurity, must identify its mission, whether to fulfill it faithfully or
betray it."
In this chapter, Fanon delves into the progression of
national culture through the endeavors of native intellectuals, including
writers, poets, jazz musicians, and artists. His primary emphasis lies on
writers. Within this context, he explores the shortcomings of the Negritude
movement, which aimed to depict the shared historical heritage of all black
people globally while underscoring the pivotal role of national culture as the
bedrock for fostering international awareness.
Fanon asserts that the colonizer, in addition to disrupting
the present circumstances of the colonized populace, distorts their history,
depicting them as uncivilized and uneducated, all the while presenting
themselves as saviors. In response, native intellectuals involved in this
movement embark on a journey into their historical roots, uncovering their
ancestral origins. During that period, a prominent literary movement, known as
the "Negritude movement," emerged, with the goal of securing universal
recognition for the cultural identity and history of all black people
worldwide. Nevertheless, Fanon identifies limitations within this movement. He
substantiates his rejection by reasoning those independent black nations had
already existed in each state, each boasting its unique culture and history
long before the notion of international identity and universal origins took
hold.
Fanon describes those writers associated with the Negritude
movement are influenced by Europe's concept of universalism. To support this
assertion, he underscores the contrasting challenges faced by black American
writers, such as Richard Wright and Langston Hughes, when compared to figures
like Léopold Senghor, who served as the first president of Senegal. Fanon
maintains that while the allure of becoming a Europhile is enticing, it is
ultimately a futile endeavor. Here, Fanon introduces the concept of another
movement termed "National culture," which forms the basis of
international awareness.
Fanon goes on to describe the highly organized national
struggle as the most pronounced expression of cultures throughout history. He
subdivides the development of counter-culture in the decolonization process into
three distinct stages. The initial stage, referred to as the assimilation
stage, sees writers creating their literature in the language of the colonizer,
challenging the dominion of the colonizer, and showcasing their ability to
attain the level of European culture. The second stage, labeled "Returning
to the past," witnesses writers composing their literature and writing their
history in their native languages. The third and final stage, the "combat
stage," involves writers crafting "combat literature" against
the colonizer. During this stage, writers actively participated in the national
struggle through their works, contributing to the effort to dismantle colonial
rule. The national struggle evolves into an art form of culture, no longer
confined to the past but serving as a dynamic force in the ongoing national
struggle to overthrow the colonial governance.
Colonial
War and Mental Disorders
In the fifth chapter, the author presents the accounts of
numerous patients he treated for mental illnesses between 1954 and 1959. He
discusses how colonialism, even prior to the colonial war, served as a fertile
source of patients for psychiatric hospitals. He introduces the concept of
"Reactionary psychoses," which develop in response to the harsh
circumstances of the colonial era, emphasizing how the dehumanizing aspects of
colonialism lead individuals to question their own identity with the constant
query, "In reality, who am I?"
Within this chapter, the author also illustrates how the
Algerian War for Independence impacted the mental well-being of both members of
national movements and bystanders in Algeria. One such case involves a soldier
in the Algerian army who, upon receiving news of his mother's death, retaliates
by killing the wife of a colonialist. He is subsequently disarmed by the army
and plagued by nightmares in which he is visited by his victim.
Another case involves a European police inspector who had
previously been a torturer in jail and began abusing his family. He, too,
succumbs to psychosis and mental health problems.
In the end, the author advises his brothers and comrades to
distance themselves from Europe's impending doom and embark on journeys of
discovery, positioning themselves as benefactors of humanity.
CONCLUSION
In conclusion, Frantz Fanon's "The Wretched of the
Earth" provides a profound analysis of the complexities and challenges of
decolonization. It is a passionate call to action for oppressed people seeking
liberation from colonial rule. Fanon's message is clear: decolonization is not a
passive process, but a violent and transformative struggle that involves
reclaiming one's humanity and dignity from the oppressive forces of
colonialism.
Fanon emphasizes the role of violence in decolonization, not
as an end in itself, but as a means to break the chains of dehumanization and
to unify the colonized people against their oppressors. He highlights the
psychological and cultural impact of colonialism, and how it distorts
self-identity and perpetuates division among the colonized.
The book also underscores the pitfalls of neocolonialism,
where the newly independent nations may fall into the hands of a national
bourgeoisie that serves the interests of the former colonizers. Fanon's
solution lies in the formation of a true national party, representing the
aspirations of the masses and genuinely working for the national interest.
Moreover, Fanon explores the crucial role of culture and
literature in the decolonization process, advocating for a dynamic and evolving
national culture that is intimately linked with the ongoing struggle for
freedom.
In the realm of mental health, Fanon illuminates the
devastating psychological effects of colonialism and war on individuals,
emphasizing the importance of addressing the deep-seated traumas inflicted by
colonial rule.
Ultimately, Fanon's message to the oppressed is a call for
self-discovery, unity, and a rejection of the old colonial framework. It's a
call to forge a new path, one that leads to true independence, dignity, and the
realization of a humanity that has been suppressed for far too long. Fanon's
words remain as relevant today as they were when he wrote them, offering a
guide for those who seek to decolonize themselves and their societies in the
pursuit of justice and freedom.
Explained very simply and In a understanding way that every reader can taste that
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